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What’s at stake at UNGA 2026?

Wide view of the General Assembly Hall at the United Nations with seats filled while President Trump delivers remarks at the podium
U.S. President Donald Trump addresses the 81st United Nations General Assembly at the United Nations Headquarters in New York, on September 22, 2026. (Photo by Timothy A. Clary / AFP via Getty Images)

The 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) opened this month under the theme “Restoring trust, managing transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all.” Below, Brookings experts reflect on the theme and unpack the issues at stake. 


1

The UN system and the future of multilateralism

Bruno Cardoso Reis

Tests of trust at UNGA

The United Nations is facing its most serious crisis since 1945, and doing so with a reduced budget and an outgoing secretary-general. What can the 2026 U.N. General Assembly do in “Restoring trust, managing transformation?” An often-blocked Security Council may mean a greater role for the General Assembly. But its 193 member states make the General Assembly more representative and legitimate, but also harder to manage and predict. This annual September meeting is the biggest global stage for public diplomacy, while also allowing discreet bilateral meetings. The U.N. is also used as a scapegoat and respectable façade: States will blame it for crises in which they are themselves involved or loudly pledge loyalty to the U.N. Charter while quietly undermining it. Ongoing conflicts will be major topics, but more through finger-pointing than problem-solving. It would be timely if a clear majority of states, including the most powerful, were to make clear that they will not allow vital maritime chokepoints to be blocked or taxed at will. A real global consensus on these unprecedented threats to maritime security and freedom of navigation in vital chokepoints, with implications from energy security to food security, is urgent but far from certain. Another major test will be whether states take seriously the increasingly alarmed warnings by leading technologists about the dangers posed by AI and the need for a global regime—the kind of global public good the U.N. system should provide—that puts a brake on a global race to dominate this field.

Jeffrey Feltman

How Trump makes positive UN history

For all the handwringing about the state of the United Nations, a familiar routine will kick in when world leaders gather at UNGA—the “super bowl of diplomacy”—for the 81st time: traffic jams, speeches, mad dashes between meetings, long lines at security checks, a dizzying number of side events. Invariably, a gap will open between UNGA’s official theme (“Restoring trust, managing transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all”) and the likely chatter in corridors.

That informal agenda will focus, again, on Trump: what he is doing (Iran war, tariffs, begrudgingly starting to pay U.N. membership dues), what he is not doing (bolstering traditional alliances), when to work with him, and when to move beyond him, with the latter approach gaining momentum.

The Trump talk will morph with the buzzing guessing game about U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres’ successor; Guterres’ term ends December 31. Unconfirmed rumors (and Trump’s throwaway line about FIFA President Gianni Infantino) suggest that Washington is scouting around beyond the original eight candidates, now seven (as one dropped out after the third straw poll).  Between the Security Council’s July 30 and August 21 “straw polls,” the number of “encourage” votes of the top two candidates dropped, while the “discourage” votes of the top three candidates increased: Some Council members clearly want more choices. 

Hints that the U.S. is testing the water about the prospects for Nickolay Mladenov from Bulgaria (currently Board of Peace Gaza coordinator) suggest that Washington doesn’t mind (further) antagonizing its southern neighbors by brushing aside the informal geographic rotation that would lead to an secretary-general from Latin America or the Caribbean.

The United States also dismisses the popular view that the 10th U.N. secretary-general should be a woman. On this, Trump should reconsider: Despite his insatiable desire to feature prominently on as many pages in the history books as possible, he will be quickly forgotten in U.N. annals if he promotes yet another man for United Nations secretary-general. But if Trump is seen as playing a key role to usher in the first woman secretary-general, that will be remembered as a historic achievement, talked about for years.  Four of the seven currently active candidates are women, including the two top runners in the three straw polls to date.   

Caren Grown

The UN must stay true to its vision of gender equality

The 81st session of the U.N. General Assembly once again confronts such politically charged issues as conflict and climate change, in addition to debates about agency reorganization plans, budgets, and cost-cutting efforts. Against this backdrop, this year’s theme, “Restoring trust, managing transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all,” is particularly salient for civil society and women’s rights organizations.

In many countries, advocates for gender equality face a growing backlash on rights, policies, and funding, while also grappling with growing economic insecurity, gender-based violence, and intensified unpaid work in response to extreme heat and other climate hazards. Concurrently, a new challenge emerged within the U.N. itself. A proposed merger between U.N. Women and the U.N. Population Fund, as part of the UN80 reform package, has galvanized women’s movements to mobilize against it. Although the stated purpose of the merger is to bring the gender equality and reproductive rights agendas together under one umbrella to strengthen systemwide coherence and accountability, improve delivery of services, and reinforce partnerships in support of women and girls, more than 1,600 organizations across the globe argue instead that the proposed merger poses significant risks to women’s rights and health. They contend that a merger would significantly dilute the two entities’ different institutional mandates, impair operational and programmatic delivery, and threaten global public health, including lifesaving sexual and reproductive health and humanitarian supply chains.

Whichever path is adopted by the General Assembly—a merger or maintaining separate entities—the fundamental issue at stake is having a U.N. system that does not sacrifice the rights, health, and economic security of women and girls to political expediency, financial pressures, and bureaucratic wrangling. Member states must remain true to a vision for a U.N. system that helps countries transform inequalities, so it can truly, systematically deliver for all.

Landry Signé

Africa, the United Nations, and the future of multilateralism

At UNGA 81, Africa will be at the center of some of the world’s most consequential debates, including around whether this year’s promise of “Restoring trust, managing transformation: a United Nations that delivers for all” can translate into meaningful action. For Africa, three questions go to the heart of what is at stake: Can the multilateral system become more representative? Can it manage profound economic, technological, and development transformations? And, ultimately, can it deliver?

Despite representing 54 of the U.N.’s 193 member states (28% of its membership), Africa, home to more than 1.4 billion people, has no permanent seat on the Security Council, with the Common African Position calling for at least two permanent and five nonpermanent African seats. Meaningful agency, starting with adequate representation, is overdue, as Africa’s growing demographic, economic, and geopolitical weight should be reflected in its ability to shape global decisions.

The development challenge is equally urgent and complex. Progress on the Sustainable Development Goals, with only four years remaining until the 2030 deadline, remains dramatically off track. Meanwhile, development cooperation is undergoing a profound moment of change as official development assistance fell 23.1% in real terms in 2025 (the largest annual decline on record), and bilateral assistance to sub-Saharan Africa is projected to decline another 11.6% in 2026. Amid all of this change, priorities like reforming the global financial architecture, addressing debt and the high cost of capital, mobilizing domestic resources and private investment, and accelerating industrialization and value addition are essential to advance the unfinished 2030 Agenda and to look ahead and shape what comes next.

Ultimately, the test is delivery. Africa remains central to every aspect of the U.N. agenda, including peace and security, climate change, global health, and managing the challenges and opportunities of artificial intelligence. Greater African leadership and African-led solutions are crucial starting points for translating commitments in these areas into tangible results.

Africa has much to gain from a transforming multilateral system, and much to contribute to shaping its future. A United Nations that better represents Africa, genuinely partners with Africa, and delivers with Africa will be better positioned to restore trust, and deliver for all.

2

Climate change

Michael E. O'Hanlon

Cooling the planet

Here is a subject I’d like to see discussed at the U.N.: artificially cooling the planet!

It is now clear that the human race is not going to wean itself off fossil fuels in time to prevent a dramatic warming of planet Earth. Powerful arguments have been made for decades for hastening the transition away from a hydrocarbon-based energy economy to greener alternatives, and they have undoubtedly contributed to the rapid spread of the latter. Yet the transition has not been nearly as fast as experts have advocated. Nor has it been fast enough to prevent a continuation of major warming trends. Indeed, until the mid-2020s, aggregate carbon dioxide emissions continued to rise each year. Oil has proven simply too appealing, and too prevalent on Earth, for human civilization to have weaned itself off this remarkable resource. That will make for scary scenarios, from superstorms to unbearable heat in already hot regions, to shifting rainfall patterns and drought, to rising oceans and flooding of major cities in places like China, to the loss of much of Florida as well as the outright disappearance of some island nations. These outcomes may not be existential for the human race, but they nonetheless could be catastrophic for large swaths of the Earth’s human population. A United Nations that “delivers for all” and thinks in terms of big ideas and “transformation,” as this year’s meeting is supposed to do, should be aiming to address a problem that is increasingly threatening to large swaths of the world’s population—and for which current policy responses are proving far from adequate.

Although many are wary of “playing God” and trying to counteract this artificial, human-caused warming of the planet with an additional artificial, anthropogenic intervention to cool the planet, such an approach may be less risky than not doing so. As Bill Gates notes, “we’re already running a massive experiment on the planet by emitting huge amounts of greenhouse gases.” There are many worthy ideas that should be advanced and implemented to counter the effects of warming. Yet it seems highly unlikely that they will add up to enough to stem our current trajectory to a badly disrupted climate. Therefore, at a minimum, we should get much more serious about doing the kind of preparatory work—field research, prototyping of necessary technologies, serious discussion of how to manage any such effort multilaterally—so that a decision could perhaps be made in the 2030s to cool planet Earth modestly for perhaps several decades—if no better way to stabilize the planet’s climate, along with its storms and seas, has emerged by then.

There are several possible mechanisms by which humans, through the United Nations or G20 or a coalition of the willing, might seek to cool the planet by, say, 1 degree Celsius relative to the new normal. That new normal will probably be 1.5 to 2 degrees Celsius above preindustrial levels by the time any such initiative would be developed, approved, and implemented. So the goal might be to undo half the warming, for example. As one approach, we could seed clouds with salt spray to make them somewhat more reflective of incoming sunlight. But perhaps the most plausible approach is through stratospheric aerosol injection (SAI) of sulfur dioxide. The broader concept, which can employ multiple methods, is called solar radiation management (SRM), or, more simply but with the same acronym, sun reflection management. 

David G. Victor

America the outlier: Climate change

The U.N. General Assembly offers something rare for Americans: an open window on what the rest of the world cares about. Often there are big surprises. 

For 2026, U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has pointed to three existential threats that need attention at the weeklong gathering in New York: runaway artificial intelligence, income inequality, and climate change. Two of these are omnipresent in American political debates today.  But climate change has disappeared. The Trump administration is dismantling most of the federal policy apparatus on climate change, largely with the consent of fellow Republicans. Democrats, meanwhile, are saying little about the problem because polling data suggest most Americans don’t much care about the topic.

Climate change may be the prominent topic where UNGA and America most differ. In addition to floor speeches, the U.N. is hosting a daylong summit specifically on the topic, and hundreds of other climate-related events will take place across New York City. In light of U.S. backtracking, governments are seeking  ways to cooperate without the United States. Exactly how far smaller groups can travel without the world’s largest economy remains to be seen. Europe leads in this effort, but many other countries (e.g., Canada and Brazil) are following suit..  Such efforts are reshaping diplomacy and, over time, will weaken the American voice in how the world is governed. 

President Trump’s U.N. speech made it clear that climate change isn’t the only place where he is at odds with most of the rest of the world. On artificial intelligence, many other leaders are raising alarms. Even as leading U.S. firms also call for a slowdown, President Trump declared he wants full speed ahead to superintelligence. 

3

Young people and AI safety

Sweta Shah

Calling on the UN to protect children in an AI era

Artificial intelligence is rapidly becoming embedded in the technologies that shape everyday life, often without users realizing it. For children, AI is already present in schools and learning platforms, social media and video content, toys and conversational agents, and even products designed for infants and families.

At the same time, some builders of the world’s most advanced AI systems  warn that capabilities may be advancing faster than safeguards. Calls from AI leaders to slow or better pace development should add urgency to the policy response.

Children’s encounters with AI raise questions about privacy and safety, but also brain development, learning, agency, trust, and relationships. Evidence on both the risks and benefits is still emerging, particularly for the youngest children. The 81st U.N. General Assembly offers an opportunity to put children at the center of the emerging global AI governance agenda. The United Nations is not starting from scratch. The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) provides an international legal foundation, while new U.N. mechanisms are bringing countries together around AI governance. What is missing is a common global baseline for children.

At UNGA 81, leaders should begin a process toward shared safeguards for children and AI—whether through a global standard, a new international instrument, an optional protocol to the CRC, or another mechanism. And as global AI governance takes shape, children should be designed into it from the start, not added later.

Rebecca Winthrop

AI safety for youth

This year at the UNGA meetings I am focusing on the debate and dialogue around artificial intelligence and children and youth. As the power of generative AI grows, and we see recent calls from its creators warning of dire consequences if safeguards are not clearly established for its further development and use, will the United Nations be able to play an impactful role in helping coordinate common sense AI safety across borders? How will the debate around protecting young people from the potential harms of AI interface with the need to educate young people for a changing technological world that shapes their social interaction, their learning, and their readiness for college and career?

4

Trust and education

Emily Gustafsson-Wright

Trust requires transparency, transparency requires data: Telling the truth with cost data for global education and the early years

With replenishments for the Global Partnership for Education (GPE) and Education Cannot Wait (ECW) approaching, several events at UNGA this year focus on increasing the volume of investment in children. Heads of state and ministers will announce new investments in domestic financing and co-financing to transform education for 750 million children across the globe. A flagship event, “Investing Early, Building Futures: Journey to the First-Ever Global Early Years Finance Summit 2027,” is bringing together world leaders, ministers, agency heads, and foundations to build momentum for transformational investment in the early years, hosted at UNICEF House with Theirworld.

This is my 11th year attending the UNGA events in New York City. One thing that I’ve noticed over all these years is that there has been a lot of talk about financing and not a lot of talk about costing. Cost evidence is critical to know how much is needed and where and how to invest scarce resources. Ministers of finance, donor agencies, and philanthropic funders need this data to trust that the investments they are making are good ones. Implementing organizations need to know how much it will take to get the outcomes they want to see and how much to ask for. Researchers can help instill trust in an investment if they pair evaluation data with quality cost data. Families need to be able to trust that the choices they are making for their children are worth it. Yet, quality cost data are scarce, and they often aren’t at the center of these important conversations.

At the Center for Universal Education, we have been focusing on both costing and financing for education and the early years for over a decade now. This year at UNGA, we’re sharing the work of the Global Costing Taskforce for Education and ECCE at a few events including one at Education House: Building Strong Foundations: Practical Solutions for Early Foundational Learning where we’re making the case to the government, implementers, funders, and researchers in the room that they should commit to supporting the generation and use of more harmonized cost data in their organizations. The only way to get to a world in which we can trust that we are making the right decisions about how much we’re spending and on what, is if we have transparency about what it actually costs. Let’s hope that this year at UNGA, we hear more about cost in those conversations about finance!

Emily Markovich Morris and Richaa Hoysala

Why trust in schools matters for global governance

The 81st U.N. General Assembly theme is “Restoring trust, managing transformation: A United Nations that delivers for all.” As General Assembly President Khalilur Rahman noted, “Trust cannot simply be requested—it must be earned.”

Most young people’s first experience with trust in public institutions is through schools. For adults, public trust in schools is often an indication of their trust in other public institutions. Although trust in public education and healthcare systems has waned globally over the past few years, trust in education still remains relatively high compared to other public institutions. Education systems are key to building and restoring trust, as public trust is often built through local institutions and relationships. According to the OECD, day-to-day interactions with schools and public institutions “remain key drivers of trust” in government.

The Center for Universal Education at the Brookings Institution has been advancing research and tools to measure trust within schools across six continents. Trust can be measured, and it can be strengthened by developing effective strategies that meet the context. Trust is centered on a shared vision and a common agenda formed through authentic partnership; it also includes integrity, following through with promises and commitments made. Trust is also informed by interactions and the culture of listening and making space for all communities, particularly those that have been historically excluded from decisionmaking. Finally, trust is based on respect and care shown by leaders and members of our communities and ecosystems. 

Decisions on AI use in school and beyond are complicating trust, as is social media. More than ever, we need the U.N. and global leaders to prioritize trust, measure it, and develop strategies to strengthen trust—not just for better governance, but to ensure our children have the ecosystem they need to thrive.

Modupe (Mo) Olateju

Trust, transformation, and why we are even educating children at all

We are on the cusp of a fifth industrial revolution, powered by digital technologies and AI. Yet, days before world leaders gathered in New York for this year’s 81st session of the U.N. General Assembly, the chief executives of the companies building the most advanced AI systems made a public case for slowing development, citing safety, security and oversight. Their concern is that humans may lose control of these systems.

There is a second concern: Research suggests that as large language models mediate classrooms, workplaces, and everyday communication, they homogenize human thought and reasoning, privilege dominant patterns, and marginalize other ways of knowing. Both concerns stem from the same assumption that human judgment must hold this technology to account. Schools are where that capacity is built.

Education will have its moment when Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 4 returns for in-depth review at the 2027 High-Level Political Forum, ahead of the SDG Summit that September. The terms of that review, however, are being set now, through expert group meetings, national reporting,  and the post-2030 education consultations, all of which will need a working answer to the question, “what is education for?”

At Brookings, we understand education systems transformation as the intentional, continuing, and values-driven renegotiation of what an education system is for and the coherent repositioning of every component behind that renewed purpose. Evidence from Africa, South Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America shows gaps between what curricula promise and what classrooms deliver, limits on young people’s agency to shape the skills they build, and tensions in deeply held assumptions about the purpose of education.

A General Assembly that has set itself the task of restoring trust should insist that the 2027 review looks beyond access, learning, and what works to achieve these at scale, to the purpose and relevance of education in a rapidly changing world.

Brad Olsen

Education is what matters most

In these complex times—climate disasters, chronic violence, democracies in trouble, income disparities, the exponential rise in AI—getting education right should take top priority. Education is how we’ll imbue future leaders and citizens with the knowledge, judgment, tools, and zeal to make the right decisions, get along, and improve the structures and systems that led us to this precipice. If countries do not  balance job development, civic equity, human flourishing, and community health and manage AI—the social asymmetries will only grow. Education undergirds these issues: leveraging formal and informal learning systems to support creative, thoughtful, skilled, empathetic, and agentive young people to take over and lead where we could not.

To that end, at this UNGA this year I’ll be on the lookout for education leaders prioritizing education system coherence and stakeholder coordination. I’ll be searching for conversations that prioritize teachers as the heart of student learning. I’ll be paying attention to people who view equity and input from youth not as an afterthought or pro forma checklist but as fundamental human threads that push our work forward. And I will be ready to champion and learn from participants who will commit to the hard work and show the courageous leadership and humility needed to improve education at scale around the globe.

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